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Policies for assigning faculty members to supervise students' thesis and dissertation projects can vary from one institution to another and even across departments within the same institution. In some cases, the advisor who guides a student's general academic progress automatically becomes the supervisor of the candidate's work on the thesis or dissertation. Under such a policy, students are relieved of the responsibility of choosing a mentor, but they may unfortunately end up with less than optimal help. In other cases, an academic advisor will not automatically be assigned, but he or she will be only one of a group of several faculty members from whom a student can choose a guide. Under these circumstances, before students announce their choice of a mentor they can profitably collect several kinds of information about the professors who form the pool of potential advisors. Included among the sources of information are fellow students, the professors within the pool, other faculty members, secretaries, research assistants, and the professors' publications. Institutions and departments can also differ in the number of faculty members assigned to supervise and evaluate a student's research. One common pattern at the master's level is to have a three-member committee for each thesis, with the committee chairperson acting as the candidate's principal supervisor. However, in colleges and universities with large numbers of master's degree students, the entire master's project may be directed and assessed by a single faculty member. At the doctoral level, the supervising committee often consists of three to five professors. In the following paragraphs, we describe kinds of information to seek about potential advisers. We then suggest useful sources of each kind. Kinds of Information to Collect In learning about the professors in your pool of potential mentors, you will likely find it helpful to discover their (a) fields of interest and expertise, (b) style of advising, and (c) attitudes about appropriate research topics and methods of research. Fields of interest and expertise Obviously, the closer an advisor's area of expertise is to your research problem, the better equipped she or he will be to identify difficulties you may encounter, recommend sources of information pertinent to your topic, and guide your choice of methods for gathering and interpreting data. There are several ways to learn about faculty members' specializations--the titles and contents of classes they teach, their published books and articles, the topics of theses and dissertations produced under their guidance, other staff members' opinions, and other students' experiences with those faculty members. The task of deciding how well a potential advisor's interests and skills suit your needs is likely easiest if you already have a specific research problem in mind, or at least if you have identified the general realm you hope to explore. If you have no inkling of the kind of topic on which your study will focus, then the next of our selection criteria--style of advising--may become your primary concern. Style of advising Professors vary greatly in how they work with students on theses and dissertations. Those at one end of a monitoring scale closely control each phase of the student's effort, in some cases dictating what is to be done at every step, then requiring the student to hand in each portion of material for evaluation and correction. Advisors at the opposite end of the scale tell students to work things out pretty much by themselves and to finish a complete draft of the project before handing it in for inspection. Advisors also vary in how available they are when students need them. Some are frequently away from the campus. Some require students to make an appointment with a department secretary several days or weeks ahead of time in order to confer about the individual's research. Others allow students to drop by the office or to phone any time they need help. Some answer queries only in their office. Others permit students to phone them at home. Professors also differ in the way they offer advice and criticism. Some are blunt about the shortcomings of a student's effort, perhaps derisive and abusive. Others are direct in pointing out weaknesses in the candidate's work, but they do so in a kindly, understanding manner, recognizing that doing serious research is a new endeavor for the student and that mistakes along the way are not only expected but can function as valuable learning opportunities. Yet others are so cautious about potentially hurting a student's feelings that they are reluctant to point out weaknesses in the project and thereby fail to guide their advisees toward correcting the shortcomings of their efforts.Consequently, you will likely find it useful to learn ahead of time about faculty members' styles of directing theses and dissertations--about how closely they monitor steps in the process, how available they are to offer help, and how skillfully they identify deficiencies and suggest solutions without unduly damaging students' egos.Your best sources of information about advising styles are usually (a) fellow graduate students who are farther along than you are in the thesis or dissertation process and (b) other professors whom you know personally and who are willing to talk about their colleagues' modes of guidance. Attitudes toward topics and methodology Faculty members often disagree about what constitutes proper research. Consequently, you might end up with an advisor whose notions of suitable research topics and methods of investigation are at odds with your own beliefs. Therefore, three types of information you may wish to seek are your potential advisors' views of (a) quantitative-versus-qualitative methods, (b) positivism-versuspostmodernism perspectives, and (c) basic-versus-applied research. Quantitative-versus-qualitative methods: As these terms are generally used, quantitative research involves amounts, which are usually cast in the form of statistics, but qualitative research does not involve amounts in any strict sense. Here are titles of projects that might be categorized under each type: | | Quantitative: | | Germany's Economic Growth, 1950-2000 | | | Rural and Urban Educational Achievement in Oregon | | | Amounts of Public and Private Finance for Welfare Programs | | | Generational Height and Weight Comparisons--Japan and the USA | | | The Growth of Tourism--Florida and Alabama | | | Short-Term Effects of Three Antidepressant Drugs |
| | | Qualitative: | | The Philosophical Foundations of Psychoanalysis | | | Silverado--The History of a Frontier Town | | | A Theory of Political Participation | | | One Week in the Life of a Deaf-Mute | | | Judaic Foundations of Islamic Doctrine | | | The Present-Day Relevance of William James's Pragmatism |
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Professors who locate themselves exclusively in the quantitative camp demand that students' research involve the compilation of data in the form of amounts. Hence, they reject historical chronicles, philosophical analyses, a line of logic leading to a conclusion, a comparison of the qualities of different societies, the detailed description of an individual's or group's style of life, and the like. Furthermore, adherents of quantitative studies sometimes prefer studies that focus on rather large numbers of people, schools, cities, or political constituencies so that broadly inclusive generalizations can be drawn from the research results. Such adherents thus disapprove of studies focusing on one autistic person (singlesubject research) or only a few subjects (three autistic children, two schools, four candidates for political office, five neighborhoods) whose results cannot, with confidence, be generalized to a wide range of people or events. Proponents of quantitative studies tend to prefer such research methods as controlled experiments and surveys that employ interviews, tests, systematic observations, questionnaires, and quantitative content analysis. (For arguments supporting the quantitative position, see the following references: Howell, 1997; Shavelson, 1996.) In contrast, professors who subscribe strictly to qualitative methodology tend to belittle research that involves what they may refer to as "no more than number crunching" which they feel oversimplifies complex causes, dehumanizes evidence, and fails to recognize individual differences among people, among environments, and among events. Advocates of qualitative studies tend to favor such research techniques as historical and philosophical analyses, descriptive observation, case studies, ethnography, and hermeneutics. (For rationales supporting the qualitative stance, see: Bogdan & Knopp, 1992; Denzin & Lincoln, 1994.) There are, in addition to the foregoing two polar positions, a great many faculty members who will accept a wide array of research approaches, quantitative and qualitative alike. We would count ourselves among their number because, in our opinion, the quantitative-versus-qualitative controversy is really off target. The issue, in our minds, should not be: Are quantitative methods better than qualitative, or vice versa? Instead, the issue should be: Which approach-quantitative, qualitative, or some combination of both--will be the most suitable for answering the particular research question being asked? This point of view, which respects the contributions that can be made by all sorts of methods, is the one we espouse throughout this book. However, to be practical about your own situation as a student pursuing a degree in a particular department, what we as the authors of this book believe about the quantitative-qualitative debate is really not important. What is important is how well your own beliefs match those of the advisors with whom you might conduct your research. Thus, a useful twofold question to ask is: Which research methodologies do the potential members of my research-project committee prefer or even accept? And how well do my own preferences match the opinions of those professors? In effect, establishing a good match promotes efficiency, effectiveness, and goodwill in your work with advisors. Positivism versus postmodernism: Somewhat linked to the quantitativequalitative dispute in recent decades is the oftentimes acrimonious controversy between academicians who subscribe to a positivist worldview and those who style themselves as postmodernists. It is also possible to identify a position that is intermediate between the positivism and postmodernism, a position sometimes labeled postpositivism. You may find it useful to learn where in this controversy your potential advisors locate themselves so that you will know how closely their opinions coincide with your own.There is too little space available here to delve thoroughly into the positivistpostmodernist debate. Thus, we limit the following discussion to identifying five components of each position--(a) the nature of reality, (b) the aim of research, (c) the question of validity, (d) the nature and function of research results, and (e) how to understand reality. At the outset, we admit that defining positivism, postpositivism, and postmodernism will invite a good deal of contention, because writers frequently fail to agree on what beliefs constitute each position. However, we think the following rendition does no serious violence to the core convictions held by typical members of each camp, and thus it should adequately serve our present purpose. Positivism/Modernism. The words modernism and positivism are so closely linked in much of present day discussion that the two terms can be considered synonymous.Positivism, and particularly the 20th century's subvariety known as logical positivism, has functioned over the past two centuries as the principal paradigm guiding the conduct of modern science ( Toulmin, 1994). Here are typical assumptions on which a positivist or modernist worldview is founded: | 1. | Reality: There is an objective real world beyond the individual's body, and that world can be known and described. Thus, positivists disagree with both forms of philosophical solipsism. Form 1 is the belief that there is no real world outside the person's mind; the only reality is what's in one's mind. Form 2 is the belief that although there is a "real world out there," occupied by objects and people, each person carries in mind a subjective image of that world, and it's impossible to know the contents and processes of anyone's mind other than one's own. | | 2. | For positivists, all conclusions about reality--about the "truth" of what exists--must be based on empirical observations and measurements, that is, on real-life experiences and not on speculation about things that cannot be publicly verified (seen, heard, touched, smelled, measured) or that cannot be reduced by logical operations to public observations. Logical positivists reject "statements of only emotional significance, as judged by an inability to be verified against a formal analysis involving the facts of experience" ( Moore, 1995, p. 53). | | 2. | Research aim: The purpose of collecting empirical evidence and interpreting it is to reveal the truth about the physical/social world and how it functions. The aim of a positivist approach to human behavior is to discover principles or natural laws that are the foundation of behavior under all circumstances. The principles or generalizations can be organized in the form of theories or models of reality. Models of reality are always tentative, subject to revision on the basis of better methods of data collection, more complete sampling of contexts, convincing statistical analysis, and the application of more adequate logic for drawing interpretations. | | 3. | Validity: Decisions about whether an account of events is "true" (accurately reflects the real world) are guided by criteria of objectivity (the methods of research are free from the researcher's personal biases), of representativeness (the study's sample of people, places, or events accurately represents the characteristics of the broad population of people, places, or events to whom the generalizations will be applied). In other words, the validity of a generalization or theory is fostered by such scientific procedures as (a) conducting a research study with large numbers of people or events, (b) replicating the study in different settings and with different kinds of people or events, (c) checking on how consistently one researcher agrees with another regarding observations, and others. | | 4. | Nature and function of results: An increasingly accurate picture of reality (of what the world "out there" is truly like, as based on an ever-expanding quantity of empirical evidence and its logical interpretation) can be portrayed and communicated in linguistic, mathematical, and graphic descriptions. The portrayal assumes the form of principles and theories which are not limited to the things directly studied but can legitimately be applied to understanding similar events that were not studied. For instance, generalizations about how children learn, as derived from observing one group of children, can legitimately be applied to explain learning among other groups of children of similar age and in similar contexts. | | 5. | Understanding reality: People can learn the nature of reality by studying experts' descriptions of empirical findings and their interpretation. | Postpositivism. A growing dissatisfaction with the ability of positivist approaches to describe people's lives has led in recent years to the revision of certain traditional positivist assumptions. Most of the social science disciplines have experienced an eruption of internal "crises" over the past several decades. . . . To many in the disciplines, social scientific knowledge seems to have had only limited relevance for understanding societal problems, whether those involve social behavior such as school learning and interpersonal violence, or community and institution conditions such as poverty, unemployment, and racial segregation. Another common theme--of particular concern in psychology--has been the contextual character of research findings, the fact that the accumulated body of knowledge tends not to be situated, not to be conceptually and empirically connected to the properties and texture of the social settings in which it was obtained. A third theme reflecting discontent in the social sciences is the failure to accommodate human subjectivity in inquiry and to attend to the role of meaning in behavior, in development, and in social life. ( Jessor, 1996, p. 4) Because many of the critics have only revised--not completely abandoned--a positivist perspective, they have been dubbed postpositivists. The following precepts typify the postpositivist paradigm ( Campbell, 1996; Shweder, 1996). | | Reality: There is indeed an objective real world beyond the individual's body. However, no one can offer an objective account of that reality because each investigator's own needs, cultural traditions, training, and biases filter her or his experiences. A sociologist's account of social-class structure inevitably becomes a combination of the researcher's social-class background and the societies being studied. This means that a postpositivist viewpoint fits the definition of anthropologists' field work as "that form of inquiry and writing that produces descriptions and accounts about the ways of life of the writer and those written about" ( Denzin, 1997, p. 3). Investigators who have proper training and recognize the danger of the biases they could bring to their task can more closely approach objectivity than do those who are less aware of factors that prejudice their conclusions. Still, no matter how careful investigators are, each of their accounts necessarily includes a large measure of their subjective selves. | | | Conclusions about reality--about the "truth" of what exists--should be based on empirical observations and their interpretation from the viewpoints of both the investigator and the people the investigator interviews or observes. When a researcher performs the exercise of data collection and interpretation, the result is a personally constructed reality. When numbers of people agree on the interpretation, the result is a shared, socially constructed reality. Hence, people's interpretation of life's events constitutes their constructed reality. | | | Research aim: The purpose of research and theorizing is to produce a description of constructed reality. This aim is pursued by an individual fabricating "my vision of the world out there" and of continually refining that vision on the basis of new experiences and more convincing logic. | | | Postpositivists share the hope of positivists that they can identify general principles that help explain life in all places at all times. But whereas positivists generally are most interested in discovering principles that explain the likenesses among people and societies, postpositivists are interested as well in explaining how and why individual differences make people or societies different. | | | Validity: Hammersley ( 1992, p. 64) proposes that typical postpositivists evaluate research studies on the basis of how well they (a) generate or test formal theory, (b) are founded on empirical, scientifically credible evidence, (c) produce findings that can be generalized or transferred to other settings, and (d) identify the influence that the researcher and the research methods exert on the findings. | | 4. | Nature and function of results: Postpositivists share positivists' opinion that an increasingly accurate picture of reality (of what the world "out there" is really like) can be portrayed and communicated in linguistic, mathematical, and graphic descriptions. The portrayal assumes the form of generalizations, principles, and theories which are not limited to the things directly studied but can be legitimately applied to understanding similar events that were not studied. However, it is important not to be content with generalizations but also to portray the individualistic features of the people and contexts that have been directly studied--features that make them unique. As for objectivity, the researcher openly admits to personal bias in selecting interview questions, choosing the people and places that are studied, and adopting theoretical assumptions that influence the interpretation of data. It is important not to feign objectivity but, instead, to inform readers of the sorts of subjectivity that give the research report its particular texture. | | 5. | Understanding reality: When people read postpositivist research, they are not learning what "the world out there" is really like but, rather, they are learning an interpretation of what it seems to be like from a particular investigator's vantage point. |
Postmodernism. The dissatisfaction with positivism since around 1970 led not only to postpositivism but, among especially rebellious revisionists, to an even more drastic abandonment of positivist convictions, an abandonment labeled postmodernism that links such vaguely allied groups as avant guarde artists and architects, literati, critical social scientists, feminists, neo-Marxists, postcolonialists, anti-imperialists, and poststructuralists. Thus, postmodernism is not a unified, coherent movement but, rather, is what Clark ( 1993, p. 22) characterizes as an "ill-defined melange of attitudes, theories, and cultural criticism." Variants of postmodernism are found in diverse disciplines--the arts, humanities, social sciences. The following treatment is limited to social-science versions.Since there are far more variations of postmodern belief than can be described here, we try to convey the general sense of postmodernism by reducing the varieties to a pair--the mild and the radical. | 1. | Reality: The belief that there is an objective "real world out there" can either be questioned (the mild version) or be regarded as blatantly false (the radical version). | | 2. | The mild version: There apparently is such a real world, but people can never know it objectively for the same reasons that postpositivists offer: the investigator's own needs, cultural traditions, training, and biases filter her or his experiences. Consequently, an ethnographic account of either an individual child's life or the lives of a group of children is a combination "of the ways of the life of the writer and those written about." | | The radical version: The notion that there is a "real world out there" is not merely held in doubt but is denied. According to the radical position, a person does have experiences, but the source of these experiences is unclear--possibly no more than the person's imagination. The person continually casts the experiences into symbols, that is, into language--verbal, mathematical, or graphic. The resulting linguistic interpretation becomes the person's reality. Words are assigned meanings but the referents for those meanings are not found in a "real world out there." Rather, the meanings (the signified) are simply experiences attached to words (the signifiers), and those words are then manipulated in combinations to provide new meanings. Hence, reality is nothing more than the manipulation of language ( Saussure, 1966; Derrida, 1976). The basis for this belief is that all sorts of descriptions or interpretations can be offered for any experience or imagined event. Therefore--the reasoning goes--there must not be any objective "world out there" that is being accurately portrayed. Otherwise, all of the descriptions would be identical. Ergo, each description is just a maneuvering of language. (It is worth noting that nearly all postmodern ethnographic research is of the mild rather than the radical sort.) In mild postmodernism, research involves collecting, organizing, and reporting people's linguistic reactions to experiences in "the world out there." These accounts are narratives, tales, or stories--certainly not objective descriptions of the world. They are subjective "glimpses and slices of the culture in action" ( Denzin, 1997, p. 8). Each glimpse or slice--such as an observation of two six-year-olds playing together--is unique. No generalizations extracted from those children's interaction can be applied to explaining the play of any other children. Each ethnographic narrative stands on its own. It serves as its own validation, requiring no sampling techniques, statistical analyses, inter-observer agreement measures, replication, or the like. Any given practice [or event] that is studied is significant because it is an instance of a cultural practice that happened in a particular time and place. This practice cannot be generalized to other practices; its importance lies in the fact that it instantiates a cultural practice, a cultural performance (story telling), and a set of shifting, conflicting cultural meanings. Messy texts [in contrast to finely polished positivist theories and research reports] are based on these kinds of empirical materials. ( Denzin, 1997, pp. 8-9) Such "messy texts" require no interpretation or explanation. Their meaning is simply what it seems to be. | | | Research aim. In contrast to the positivists' and postpositivists' goal of describing how the physical/social world "out there" operates, the purpose of postmodernists is frankly political--to expose and remedy injustices suffered by people in situations of unfair social disadvantage. In other words, the goal of the postmodern researcher is to correct society's wrongs ( Giroux, 1992). | | | | | [A] critical social science project seeks its external grounding not in science, in any of its revisionist, postpositivist forms, but rather in a commitment to post-Marxism. . . . It seeks to understand how power and ideology operate through systems of discourse. . . . A good text exposes how race, class, and gender work their ways into the concrete lives of interacting individuals. ( Denzin, 1997, p. 10) Validity: In Hammersley ( 1992, p. 58) opinion, the character of postmodern ethnography "implies that there can be no criteria for judging its products," so that each speaker's voice deserves equal regard. "This position doubts all criteria and privileges none, although those who work within it [may] favor criteria such as [respect for] subjectivity and feeling." ( Denzin, 1997, pp. 8-9). Nature and function of results: The most authentic research accounts are the unedited records of what was said and done during a given event. These are uninterpreted narratives of what occurred. No generalizations are drawn. No applications are suggested for explaining life beyond the particular event. Understanding reality: Each narrative is someone's reality. Reading or hearing a wide variety of narratives reflecting individuals' experiences within the social structure provides an understanding of the reality of social injustice. Such then, is a brief overview of distinctions among positivist, postpositivist, and postmodernist worldviews. For you, as a graduate student pursuing a degree, an obvious implication of this discussion is that the work on your research project will progress more smoothly and contribute more to your mental health and ultimate satisfaction if the position that you adopt in the positivistpostmodernist debate is similar to the position of your advisors.Basic versus applied research: When you are seeking to learn the attitudes of potential advisors toward research, you may wish to discover what position they hold regarding a contrast often drawn between (a) basic or pure studies and (b) applied or practical studies. These two types reflect different motives on the part of the persons conducting the research. The motive behind basic research is to foster people's understanding of life, without intending to apply that knowledge to solving practical problems. Consider these titles of studies designed to enhance people's knowledge of the world. Toward a Phenomenology of Perception A Theory of Political Ethics The Rise and Decline of Behaviorism A History of Social Work in Wisconsin The Social-Class System of a Seaside Village The researcher's motive behind applied studies is to take constructive action toward solving the world's problems, that is, to promote people's welfare by improving their lot. The practical nature of applied studies is often reflected in their titles. | | Reading Instruction as an Aid to Homeless Children | | | Using Computers in Content Analyses | | | The Effectiveness of Drug Treatment for Schizophrenia | | | Moral Commitment as a Platform for Social Action | | | Aptitude Tests versus Letters of Recommendation as Predictors of Academic Success in a Community College | The motives of promoting understanding and acting constructively are often linked, in that people's attempts to act constructively are based on their beliefs about how the world and individuals' lives operate. Thus, a research project may be intended to provide the understanding needed for solving a problem. Such could be the aim of studies entitled: | | Life Styles of Blind Adolescents | | | Labor Market Effects of Demographic Change in Four Western States | | | How Working Toward an Understanding of Collaborative Leadership Can Change Small Business Culture | | | The Local Party Caucus as a Political Tool | | | Alternative Forms of Multicultural Education | In our opinion as authors of this volume, basic and applied topics are equally desirable foci for theses and dissertations. However, not all professors would agree. Some believe that basic research designed to promote understanding is the proper aim of graduate students' studies. However, others insist that projects should always focus on solving problems that confront societies and individuals. Still other faculty members consider both basic and applied issues as worthy matters for master's-degree and doctoral candidates to pursue. Consequently, you may wish to discover the attitudes that potential advisors have about basic and applied studies so that you can try to find members for your research committee whose preferences are in keeping with your own. As you seek advisors to guide your project, you may profit from considering the traits of an effective mentor and of sources of information that are suggested in Table 2-1. Once you've obtained a principal advisor, you may discover that he or she is unsuitable, for any of the reasons noted in Table 2-1. To extricate yourself from this relationship, you may find it useful to find another faculty member who would likely be a better advisor. You can explain your plight to this potential "new" advisor and ask that he or she take you on as an advisee. Such an interview is best attempted before you have actually broken your connection with the professor whom you deem unsuitable. The "new" advisor may be willing to help arrange the transition from the "old" to the "new" mentor with as little unpleasantness as possible. For some students, a key criterion for selecting an advisor is a professor's gender, ethnic origin, or religious affiliation. Such a stipulation can lead to trouble if a chosen professor proves so weak in other desired characteristics that the student fails to get needed help. An example in our own experience involved two women doctoral candidates who wished to write on topics relating to women administrators, and they insisted on having at least one woman on their committee. Unfortunately, the woman they chose was both a micromanager--involving Table 2-1 Traits of Effective Advisors | The best kind of advisor: | Useful sources of information: | Is well respected by colleagues and students. | Students who have graduated and ones currently working on their projects. Other faculty members whom you know well. | | Is an expert in the field of your project. | Evaluate the potential advisor's lectures and course syllabi. Read his or her writings to see how pertinent they are for your topic. | Supports the research problem you have chosen or helps you find a better problem. | Other students who have had this faculty member as an advisor. Other professors whom you know well. | Will be available to give verbal and written reactions at the time you need them. | Other students who are acquainted with the potential advisor's style. | Is a strong, convincing supporter of advisees and has the courage to defend students in front of other professors, which may be necessary during the research process and particularly at the end when the study is submitted for final evaluation. | Other students who have studied under the potential advisor. Other faculty and staff (secretaries, technicians, research assistants). | Is consistent in giving advice. Does not continually ask for revisions that are to contain new elements. | Other students who have worked with the potential advisor. | Works amicably with other members of your supervising committee. Helps you select suitable committee members. | Other students. Other faculty members whom you know well and whose judgments you trust. | herself in the minutest details of her administrative position--and was frequently away from the campus. She had little or no time for dissertations. As a result, the two candidates' work was delayed more than six months. Thoroughly frustrated, they sought the advice of another faculty member who suggested that they substitute a more accommodating committee member for the inordinately busy administrator. This incident led the doctoral students to realize that technical expertise and availability could be more important for their progress than an advisor's gender, ethnic background, or religious convictions.
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